The Miss Fit

Today I am again stuck in the memory lane not sure why but then, getting the flashback of all the experiences which somehow made me realize I was a missfit in that whole setup. Those were my failed attempts of trying to seek validations from family, so-called friends, teachers, etc. A missfit as I can put is somone who is lucky by being in right place with wrong people, this happened to me a lot until I learnt to stay away. 

Family: My family name is famous in my town but, I personally don't have this as my direct legacy as my grandfather was a modest banker. So, there has always been a financial gap which keeps getting wider with each passing generation. Howsoever, you try and ignore that factor, it keeps popping up in discussions, social setup and knowingly or unknowingly starts to creep in the behavior too. That said, I and my family are proud of what we have achieved and content in our lives, as long as the "family" does not mess up by handing over such experiences on the platter which makes me consider I am a missfit.

So-called Friends: God has helped me with such amazing experiences with people whom I have addressed as friends. I say this because it is those experiences I take as life lessons and make sure I put it to practice in my professional career. Attempts at seeking validation from friends has taught me perseverance. Staying positive in the most dire circumstances is also due to the friends. So, thank you all for that from the bottom of my heart.

Teachers: Missfit because I was in a school which cared only for wannabe doctors and engineers. If someone chose a different path then that person was casted out in front of the whole class. It did not make much difference as with friends I was already casted out so another nail in the coffin with teachers doing the needful. 

All the above was just to put it on paper as once out it will not keep flashing as a memory. Whoever cares to read take it with a pinch of salt.

The Maratha Century

The future looked very bleak after sad demise of Chatrapati Shivaji in 1680. After short struggle to the throne Chatrapati Sambhaji did his best to salvage whatever was left in the turbulent times of era after Chatrapati Shivaji. The British in Bombay (Salsette), the Portuguese in Konkan belt, the Mughals attacking from the north and south. It was all a chaos and the Swarajya was still in its nascent stages and had to go through a lot before it became the Samrajya (the dream of Chatrapati Shivaji). From 1680 to 1689 it was Chatrapati Sambhaji who tried to protect and set the base for future Maratha Century. His sad demise result from the inhuman torture ordered by Aurangzeb became an inspiration for the future Samrajya.

With a loss on all fronts and seeing his ambitious plans fail with his own eyes the Alamgir Aurangzeb died in Deccan in the year 1707, this started the famous Mughal legacy of the battle for the Peacock throne amongst the contendors which resulted into some respite for the battle torn Maratha public. Though the Maratha army was successful in defeating all the treacherous plans of Alamgir Aurangzeb the fight has had a significant impact on the entire Deccan province and most importantly the Swarajya. The battle for Delhi allowed the Marathas to make some profits in the process through dilplomacy which gave rise to the Peshwa Balaji Vishwanth Bhat. The position of Peshwa was not new for the Marathas even Chatrapati Shivaji had a Peshwa named Moropant Pingale (the first Peshwa of the Maratha Empire). The only change which happened after Balaji Vishwanth Bhat was that his Peshwaship became a hereditary position. Though it became a hereditary tranfers within the Bhat family all the Peshwas were deserving and had their contributions in the journey from Swarajya to Samrajya.

Balaji Vishwanth Bhat started his dominance in the Maratha Empire during the reign of Chatrapati Shahu. He was at first granted the title of Senakarte literally meant the person who will manage the administration of the Army. Later in 1713 Chatrapati Shahu elevated him to the position of the Peshwa. His Peshwaship lasted till 1720 which later was granted to Bajirao Ballal whose Peshwaship lasted till his death in 1740. Bajirao made a lasting impact on the 18th  century India with artistic cavalry warfare. He used a perfect mix of diplomacy (hereditary learning from his father) and the art of warfare. He is known to have won 20 battles in his tenure of 20 years as the Peshwa. The undefeated general of the Maratha forces under Chatrapati Shahu. 

Post his death his son Balaji Bajirao (better known as Nanasaheb Peshwa) was granted the Peshwaship by Chatrapati Shahu. We can very well say that in his Peshwaship the Swarajya became the Samrajya the dream of Chatrapati Shivaji. The Maratha dominance was from Attock (present day Pakistan) in the north western India to Cuttak in the East and from Kumaon mountains in the north to Kaveri in the south. 1740 to 1761 was the Peshwaship period of the master administrator and diplomat Nanasaheb Peshwa. During his tenure Pune was the defacto capital of the Maratha Empire and this period is considered to be the most glorious period in the history of the city. He is known for his love for the city and the care for its people. 1761 the third battle of Panipat and the loss of the Marathas led to the death of Nanasaheb, it was more the guilt for not being able to save his brothers than the loss in the battle that resulted into his death. 

1761 to 1772 was the Peshwaship of Madhavrao Peshwa the son of Nanasaheb. His 11 years as Peshwa saw the rebirth of the Maratha Confederacy from the ashes of Panipat. In his short tenure and the internal tussle between him and his ambitious uncle Raghunathrao (Raghoba son Bajirao Ballal and younger brother of Nanasaheb) Madhavrao was able to stable the ship of the Maratha Confederacy and bring back the glory of the Samrajya. History makes you think of "what if stories" this is one of those "What if Madhavrao Peshwa not die at the age of 27" may be a topic of some other day for now let's get back to reality. 

1773 to 1800 was a period when there were too many unfateful events in the Maratha Empire. The ambitious Raghoba and his wife Anandbai created some strange set of events which resulted into Narayanrao the next Peshwa after Madhavrao die at the hands of his own infantry men. This event in the Maratha history is well known by the epithet "DHA cha MAA". An unfateful event which when reading you will question as to why such greed for power, but then in hindsight we always feel that things could have got better managed. 

Later we see some years of Raghoba as the Peshwa , his long standing wish of enjoying the Peshwaship finally became a reality but it did not last long. The tables turned and this ambitious son of Bajirao Ballal who had such an impactful career before the unfortunate death of Narayanrao spent his rest of the years in an abyss. He did make a few attempts to regain power with the help of the British but was never successful again. 

An important character in this time of 1773 to 1800 was not the Peshwa but his Phadnis named Balaji Janardan 'Nana' Phadnis (a Minister in the Peshwa administration) whose position in the Maratha Confederacy gave him an opportunity to enjoy even a bigger influence on things than the Peshwa. (He was the regent for the next Peshwa Sawai Madhavrao son of Narayanrao.)

He was witness of the lost battle of Panipat in 1761, came back to Pune with scars of the war and later with his intellect became the most influential of the Ministers in the Maratha Confederacy. He made sure that the tumultuous times of 1773 until his death in 1800 the control on the Confederacy was intact. Never led an army but had the wit to run the whole empire through his negotiation and diplomacy skills.

The events listed above clearly convey the message that it was not the Mughals from whom the British took over the control India as until the Maratha Confederacy was intact and dominant the British had no chance. However, as they say it quite right that all goods things have an end likewise in 1818 we have the transfer of power from the Peshwa to British after the end of third Anglo Maratha war and this became the beginning of the British rule on the whole of India. 

Swatantryaveer Savarkar

1. He was the first freedom fighter who described the 1857 struggle as the First war of Indian Independence. Before that and even now the Macaulayputras call it the Indian Mutiny.

2. He was an inspiration for many freedom fighters like Rashbihari Bose, Madanlal Dhingra, Anant Kanhere, even Netaji.

3. He was the only person who was sentenced 2 Life Imprisonment which was a total time of 50 years. Unheard in even those times and can never be compared with the cosy makeshift jails which M K Gandhi or J M Nehru were placed.

4. Out of the 50 years he spent 11 years in Andaman, later in his life was under continuous police surveillance and was restricted to Ratnagiri.

5. After a torturous journey of 11 years at Kala Pani any other fellow from amongst the Brown Sahib's would have not survived but V D Savarkar went on to challenge the menace of untouchability in Ratnagiri.

6. He himself has written about his mercy petitions in his autobiography माझी जन्मठेप which you must read the translation in english is by the name My Transportation for Life.

7. He will always remain an intellectual fountain head for people who want Bharat to remain Bharat and not allow the brown sahibs destroy the world's oldest civilization. 

Change is the only Constant

खूप दिवसांनी काल एका ताईशी बोलणं झालं त्यात तिने विषय काढला तो हिंदुत्वाचा. विचारत होती काय चाललंय तुमच्या भारतात, ही ताई ओमानची त्यामुळे तिच्यासाठी तर हे सगळं वेगळंच आहे. हिंदू मुस्लिम राडे, लव जिहाद कायदा आणि एकूणच आपल्याकडचे सेक्युलरीझ्म. तशी ती काय कट्टर वगेरे नाही पण मुळात त्यांच्याकडे अशी विचारसरणी असतेच. माझ्या डोक्यात विचार येतो की आपण हिंदुत्व समजवायला कमी पडलो का? तर याचे उत्तर हो असेच म्हणावे लागेल. नुकतंच "Half Lion" वाचून झाले आहे त्यामुळे डोळ्यासमोर पमूलपार्थी वेन्कत नरसिम्हा राव PV (आपल्या भारताचे दहावे पंतप्रधान) आले याला कारण म्हणजे पंतप्रधान पदी असताना त्यांना "बाबरी" दिव्याला सामोरे जावे लागले तसाच प्रत्येक हिंदू कधीना कधी कोड्यात पडतो. 

आपल्याला आपल्या धर्माबद्दल किती माहिती आहे? एखाद्या पर-देशातल्या व्यक्ती ने जर विचारलं हिंदू धर्म म्हणजे काय तर आपण काय सांगतो, पर-देशातला कशाला एखाद्या लहानमुलाने जरी विचारलं तरी प्रत्येक जण वेगळ्या वेगळ्या पद्धतीने उत्तर देईल. हे स्वातंत्र्य आपल्याकडे आहे म्हणूनच आपण असे कोड्यात पडतो. PV ना ज्या दिव्यातून जावे लागले त्याचे पण कारण आपली बाजू निटपणे मांडता न येणे असेच मी समजतो. काही वेळेला समोरचा मनुष्य ऐकून नाही घेणार किंवा त्याला कळणार नाही म्हणून आपण त्या गोष्टीला खूप सिम्पलीस्टीक पद्धतीने समजवायला जातो आणि मग हनुमान म्हणजे कोण विचारलं की Monkey God सारखी उत्तरं दिली जातात.   

ओमान चा दादा

इतकी वर्ष उलटली तरी आठवते आणि सगळं डोळ्यासमोर काल परवाच झाल्यासारखे वाटते ते मी मस्कत ला गेलो तेव्हाचा आईचा चिंताक्रांत झालेला चेहरा,आईबाबा दोघेही मला विमानतळावर सोडायला आलेले.बाबा होते खमके पण त्यांच्या पण मनात असणारच हा प्रश्न की माझे कसे होईल. मी तसं फार कधी मान्य नाही करत पण घरात शेंडेफळ असल्याकारणाने माझे नेहमीच लाड व्हायचे आई, आजी,बाबा,दादा मग सायली आल्यावर ती पण त्या पंगतीत समाविष्ट.त्यामुळे सगळ्यांची चिंता ही की माझं कसं होणार?

पहिली नोकरी आणि त्यात ती ओमान सारख्या मुस्लिम देशात सगळेच नवीन अनुभव आणि त्याला जोडून असलेली धर्मांतराची भिती. आमच्या घरातील वातावरण तसं पुढारलेलं माझी आजी तर स्वतःच आमच्या बरोबरीने अंडी खाणारी, पण खाणं एकवेळ समजू शकतो पण धर्मांतरण हे माझ्या घरी देखील खपवून घेतलं नसतं कोणी. ही  सगळी चिंता दूर करणारा माझा "ओमान चा दादा - अब्दुल". माझी आणि अब्दुल ची मैत्री तशी कामानिमित्त झाली आणि मग ती वाढत गेली इतकी की मी त्यांच्या घरातील एक सदस्य होऊन गेलो. मी त्याला ओमान चा दादा हे नाव ठेवलेलं फक्त घरीच माहिती आहे, हे त्याला देखील कधी सांगितले नाही. 

अब्दुल मूळचा पाकिस्तानी पण जन्माने ओमानी आहे याचे कारण, एकोणाविसशेसाठच्या दशकाच्या अखेरीस अब्दुलच्या वडिलांची नेमणूक ओमानच्या सुलतानचे प्रमुख सल्लागार म्हणून झाली, आणि काही वर्षांनी ही सगळी लाहोरची पंजाबी बसरा मंडळी ओमानी झाली. सुलतानचे सल्लागार म्हणून देशात नावलौकिक होताच आणि अनेक मोठ्या माणसांशी ओळखी होत्या. (हल्लीच्या भाषेत सांगायचे तर वट होती त्यांची.) हे सगळे असूनदेखील कधीही त्या गोष्टीची घमेंड दिसली नाही, त्या ओळखीचा कधी गैरवापर केलेला माझ्यातरी पाहण्यात नाही. आता कित्येक वर्ष ओमान मध्ये वास्तव्य असून देखील त्यांची सगळ्यांचीच पाकिस्तानशी नाळ जोडलेली आहे, आपल्या संस्कृतीचेच ते वेगळेपण आहे की माणूस कितीही दूर गेला तरी भारतीयता त्याच्यातून जात नाही. काळानुसार थोडे बदल झाले आहेत पण तरी भाषा, रिती, पद्धती या सगळ्या पटकन नाही बदलत. लाहोरशी अजूनही सगळ्याच बसरा मंडळींचा संबंध आहे आणि हा अजून दृढ व्हावा या हेतूने असावे अब्दुलच्या वडिलांनी त्याला लाहोर ला शिकायला ठेवले होते. कॉम्पुटर ग्राफिक्स शिकलेला अब्दुल आणि ज्याला कॉम्पुटर वापरता तर येतो पण त्यातल्या टेक्निकल गोष्टी यत्किंचितही कळत नसलेला असा मी कसे मित्र झालो याचे कारण कळत नाही. 

आमची पहिली भेट Shell च्या कॅन्टीन मधली, टिपिकल ओमानी डिशडाशा घातलेला उंच पंजाबी बांधा असलेला एक माणूस डोळ्याला चष्मा आणि डोक्यावर ओमानी टोपी घातलेला चक्क हिंदीत बोलतोय हे बघून आश्चर्यच वाटले. तसं ओमानी हिंदी बोलतात हे मला नवीन नव्हतं कारण मी रुवीमध्ये (मस्कत मधील एक भाग जिथे माझे वास्तव्य होते) सगळीकडे हिंदीच ऐकले होते, पण ऑफिस मध्ये अजूनतरी  ऐकलं नव्हतं काही ठराविक भारतीय आणि पाकिस्तानी होते पण त्यापलीकडे हिंदी नाही. तसा अब्दुल मला नवीन नव्हता. कामासाठी आमचे बोलणे व्हायचे पण ते इंग्लिश मध्ये, Shell च्या ऑफिस मध्ये ओमानी डिशडाशा आणि हिंदी हे जरा अजब कॉम्बिनेशन वाटलं. इंग्लिश शाळेतून शिकलेला मी पण हिंदी, मराठी म्हणजे कंफर्ट झोन त्यामुळे का कुणास ठाऊक मी त्या अब्दुल वाल्या लंच ग्रुप मध्ये शिरलो. बाकी फरक कितीही असले तरी दोन आवडी एक सारख्या होत्या एक म्हणजे फुटबॉल (टीव्ही समोर पाय पसरून मॅच बघणे) आणि सिनेमा आणि या दोन्ही गोष्टींमध्ये पंजाबी दिलदार पणा खूप अनुभवला. बाकी कशात रस न घेणारा अब्दुल फूटबॉलची मॅच म्हणलं की कधीही तयार मग ते कितीही वाजता, आत्ता कशाला, फर्स्ट हाफ बघू मग मला झोपायचे आहे, ही असली मिळमिळीत कारणं कधीच नाही.

असाच एकदा फूटबॉलची मॅच बघायला गेलेलो असता माझी काकुंची आणि सादिया भाभिंची भेट झाली, त्याआधी अब्दूलने काकूंना माझ्याबद्दल सांगितले होतोच, कारण त्या माझ्यासाठी घरचं जेवण पाठवायच्या. असे लाड नातेवाईक पण करणार नाहीत असे न भेटलेल्या माझ्यासारख्या एका मुलाचे होत होते. पहिल्यांदा भेटल्यावरच काकूंना नमस्कार केला आणि त्यांना म्हणालो की आंटी आपने खाना भेजा था उसकेलिये thankyou तर एकदम त्यांना भरूनच आले. मला म्हणाल्या अब्दुल का दोस्त है तू तो तू भी मेरे बेटे जैसा है. त्या भेटी नंतर माझे त्यांच्याकडे बऱ्याचदा जाणं झालं. नेहमी गेलो की काकूंनी काहीतरी भन्नाट बनवलेलं खायला मी असायचोच. अब्दुलपेक्षा माझेच लाड जास्ती होतायत असे वाटू लागायचे. २०१७ साली जेव्हा आई, बाबा, दादा, सायली आणि स्पृहा मस्कत ला आले होते तेव्हा तर अब्दुलने आणि बाकी बसरा मंडळींनी केलेले आदरातिथ्य सगळ्यांना एक सुखद धक्का देऊन गेलं. घरी सगळ्यांना माहिती होतीच बसरा फॅमिलीची पण स्वतः अनुभव घेतला सगळ्यांनी, काकूंना पण खूप आनंद झाला होता तो सगळा उत्साह आणि आनंद त्यांच्या व्यवहारात दिसत होता. 

माझे लग्न ठरल्याचे कळवले आणि पत्रिका देण्यासाठी म्हणून जेव्हा काकूंना भेटलो तेव्हा तर त्यांचा हिरमोड झाला कारण लग्नाला यायची कितीही ईच्छा असली तरी देखील येता येऊ  शकत नव्हत्या,विसा(visa) मिळणार नाही हे नक्की होते कारण ओमानी असून देखील मूळ पाकिस्तान,अशक्य नसलं तरी खूप खटाटोप असतो त्या सगळ्याचा आणि एकदा का तुम्ही भारतात गेला आहात हे पासपोर्ट वर दिसलं की पाकिस्तान ला जायचे वांदे होणार हे काही नवीन सांगायला नको. एप्रिल २०१८ साली परत यायच्या आधी आम्ही बरेच फिरलो ज्या गोष्टी बघायच्या राहून गेल्या होत्या त्या सगळ्या नाही झाल्या पण जेवढा वेळ होता त्यात समाधान मानले आम्ही. परत यायच्या दिवशी मस्कत विमानतळावर हा माझा ओमान चा दादा मला सोडायला आला होता. खूप दिलं या बसरा फॅमिलीने, न मागता एक दादा मिळाला, खूप लाड करणाऱ्या काकू मिळाल्या, एक वाहिनी मिळाली आणि तिकडे देखील छोटीशी स्पृहा होतीच तिचे नाव हिबा.  

या सगळ्यांची परत भेट कधी होईल का नाही या विचारतच मी आणि नमिता मे २०१८ ला चेन्नईला स्थायीक झालो, आणि माझे भाग्य म्हणून पुन्हा एकदा ओमान ला जायची संधी मिळाली. या वेळी मात्र हे वास्तव्य फक्त १५ दिवसांचे होते. आम्ही ६ ऑक्टोबर २०१९ ला  पोचलो तेव्हा पुन्हा अब्दुल आम्हाला मस्कत विमानतळावर न्यायला आला होता आणि या वेळी काकूंना नमिता पण भेटणार होती.

Separation of Military and State

Every common Indian who reads or watches television very well knows the troubled politics of our western neighbor and its sham democracy. Most of us even know how the puppet governments get created out of thin air and are completely controlled by the Military (primarily the Army). India too has its share of corruption, political turmoil, wars, irresponsible governments, and power-hungry politicians, however, these experiences are nowhere close to what our neighbors have gone through. Now, I am not saying that we need to be sympathetic towards Pakistan, I am just conveying that the situation there is significantly different and the Pakistani public has been witness to such events post 1947 that we as Indians cannot even imagine. I am no expert on Pakistan affairs so I am open for corrections and views that you can share via comments.

14 August 1947 the day when Pakistan was created from Bharat and what was left with us was India. The two arms of Bharat Mata cut off and the creation was called Pakistan. A political compromise (a malicious plan of the Allied Powers) which will be remembered as one of the biggest mistakes of the 20th Century. The way I see it is, the leaders of Pakistan in those days and probably even now perceive Pakistan as "Not India" and somehow infested a deep sense of insecurity in the minds of its people, thereby making way for the Military to attain the role of guardian of the state.

Post partition India got itself a Constitution in under 3 years and declared itself a Republic, however, our western neighbor was devoid of a constitution for 9 long years up until the year 1956. The primary reason for this long wait was a political tussle between the West and East Pakistan aristocrats who fortunately or unfortunately could not think beyond their personal agenda. They kept on exchanging the positions of Prime Minister and Governor-General between themselves. From 1947 to 1958 in 11 years, Pakistan had seven prime ministers and eight cabinets. One important name among these aristocrats was Iskandar Ali Mirza. Mirza started his career with the British Indian Army and later his abilities brought him to prominence and resulted in him getting appointed by the British Indian Government as the Joint Defence Secretary of India in 1946 (remember this was pre-partition era). In this position, he was responsible for dividing the British Indian Army into the future armies of  India and Pakistan. Around this time, he became closer to Liaquat Ali Khan (the first Prime Minister of Pakistan) and began forming relations with the politicians of the Muslim League. He was appointed as first Defence Secretary by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and as Defence Secretary, he oversaw the military efforts in the first India-Pakistan war. In 1950, Mirza was promoted to two-star rank, having skipped the one-star promotion as Brigadier, and upgraded his rank as Major-General in the Pakistan Army by the promotion papers approved Liaquat Ali Khan himself. Likewise, with his strong influence he was successful in getting Ayub Khan appointed as the Army Chief in the year 1951 a controversial promotion over several senior officers. Political influence was the key to reach the top for Mirza and he perfected the task, later in the year 1955 became the Governor-General of Pakistan. With all the doings or misdoings of Iskandar Mirza there was a new powerhouse getting created in the background named Ayub Khan who was later going to be the reason for Mirza's exile. In 1956, when the country got its constitution with all his political might Mirza got himself elected as the first President of Pakistan which did not last long, soon he committed the biggest blunder of his life of declaring martial law. He ordered the mass mobilization of the military and imposed emergency in the country after declaring the martial law against his own party's administration which was led by Prime Minister Feroze Khan Noon by abrogating the writ of the Constitution and dissolving the national and provisional assemblies on 7th October 1958. He then appointed the Army Chief Ayub Khan as the Chief Martial Law Administrator, thinking that Ayub was his own man whom he can rely on. The two-man political regime as it was known had two different points of view and Mirza's fate did not last long. On the midnight of 27th October 1958 Ayub Khan dispatched the military unit to enter the presidential palace and placed Mirza in an airplane to exile in the UK. This was the end of Mirza's political career and the start of the direct Army dominance on the Pakistan politics.

With Mirza out of the political scene, Ayub had a free hand to manage the country at his will and it lasted from 1958 to 1969. The Military dominance in the earlier years before the martial law imposition was significant mainly in the fields of defense and foreign policy, which later increased in all the areas of governance. Post-partition Pakistan maintained a strong affiliation towards the United States which helped it to improve its Military capabilities and stranglehold of the army over the country grew stronger. The martial law imposed in the year 1958 stayed on for the next 4 years when in 1962 Ayub Khan introduced a second constitution. Even with all this dominance of the Army, it did not push for total control and partnered with the civil bureaucracy to run the government. (Ayesha Siddiqa in her book The Military Inc. calls this phase 'guided democracy' where the Military was to teach people how to democratize.) The introduction of the new constitution in 1962 was a move from parliamentary democracy to more of a presidential system where Ayub Khan became indirectly elected President. During his time he even favored inducting the military officers into civil service which helped him grow his control over the politics. He was also instrumental in helping the Military build for itself an economic empire. Howsoever, strong a military dictator is, there is always an end to his rule, with Ayub Khan it was the Military's need for protecting its public image which resulted in him getting replaced by Yahya Khan. Yahya Khan's stepping up to power can be called a coup in a coup. Another very important reason for Yahya replacing Ayub Khan was the disconnect between Ayub Khan and the various ranks in the military after he designated himself the Field Marshall (this was similar to Pt. Nehru awarding himself with the Bharat Ratna.)

It was the start of the '70s when Yahya Khan got on to the seat of the President. For him becoming the President was easy, however, keeping it was way tougher as the situation in the country had changed a lot with the civilian politicians gathering public support. Yahya decided to hold elections in 1970 expecting a favorable civilian regime. The most unexpected outcome of the '70's elections was that a party led by the East Pakistan politician (later Bangladesh) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called the Awami League won by a massive majority. Awami League winning the elections with the majority it has was a sign of explosion of long-suppressed Bengali nationalism. It can be considered as a referendum in favor of a political autonomy for East Pakistan and help stop the partial treatment of the eastern citizens of Pakistan. The then President Yahya Khan succumbed to political pressure by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's PPP (Pakistan People's Party) of not allowing a majority eastern wing party Awami League to form a government. The tussle between the two sides led to the uprising in the Eastern wing of Pakistan with the demand for a separate Bangladesh. The army atrocities on its eastern wing subjects were so extreme that it resulted in millions of people migrating to India to seek refuge. (To know more about the suffering of the Bengali people please read the book by Gary J. Bass The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide). Indian army helped the Bengali Mukti Bahini which resulted in the liberation of Bangladesh from the clutches of the Pakistani army and this was the end of Yahya Khan as the President. He had to step down as the loss was considered a failure of the army and Yahya Khan had to make the sacrifice as an act of face-saving for the army. For the first time in its existence as a country Pakistan came under the rule of a civilian government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto with an exception of the initial few years when it did not have a constitution. In 1973 a third constitution was introduced and Pakistan was back to parliamentary democracy with Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto taking oath as the Prime Minister. With all his efforts of holding on to power, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto could not avoid his fate, and on 4/5 of July 1977 Chief of Army Staff General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq executed a coup and declared himself as the Chief Martial Law Administrator. The third martial law in the history of Pakistan in three decades, which showed the stronghold of the army. One important reason apart from the political situation for the execution of the coup was again the public image of the Military and the economic interests of the Armed forces. It is said that Zia-ul-Haq was instrumental in Islamization of the Pakistan as a whole and in particular its Military. Zia introduced religious education into military training and instructed all commanders to ensure that prayers were offered by the officers and soldiers. The army under Zia used the intelligence agencies to manipulate the political parties, kept revising the constitutional framework, and thereby created a political vacuum which favored the army dominance contributing to the economic progress of the Armed forces. Zia used Islam as a shield in seeking public support for his continuation of power and till his death in 1988 in a mysterious plane crash remained the serving Army General and the President of Pakistan. 

The strong groundwork by all these people led to the domination of Military in the Pakistani politics whereby it reaps the benefits in economic terms. We can even say that, the main aim of the Pakistani Military is not to protect its borders but, to protect its economic empire and any politician who comes and challenges this economic empire is sure to pay the price. Below I have listed down the various army organizations which are big corporations under the guise of Military welfare. 

1.    Fauji Foundation (FF) - established 1954 (Foundation Gas, Fauji Corn Complex, Fauji Security Services, Fauji Sugar Mills, Overseas Employment Services, Fauji Cement Company Ltd, Fauji Fertilizer Company Ltd, Fauji Fertilizer Bin Qasim Ltd, Foundation Securities Pvt Ltd, Fauji Oil Terminal & Distribution Company Ltd, Foundation University)

2. Army Welfare Trust (AWT) - established in 1971. This was created with the reason for focusing on army specific welfare as under the Fauji Foundation all the Military services have their share. (Askari Stud Farms, Askari Farms, Askari Welfare Rice Mill, Askari Welfare Sugar Mill, Askari Fish Farm, Askari Cement, Askari Welfare Pharmaceutical Project, Magnesite Refineries Limited, Army Welfare Shoe Project, Army Welfare Woollen Mill, Army Welfare Hosiery Unit, Travel agencies, AWT commercial plaza, Army Welfare Shops, Army Welfare Commercial Projects, Askari Commercial Bank, Askari Leasing Ltd, Askari General Insurance Company, Askari Welfare Saving Scheme, Askari Associate Ltd, Askari Information Service, Askari Guards Ltd, Askari Power Ltd, Askari Commercial Enterprises, Askari Housing Scheme.)

3. Shaheen Foundation (SF) - established in 1977. This was created with reason similar to AWT for focusing on the welfare of Pakistan Air Force. (Shaheen Air International, Shaheen Air Cargo, Shaheen Airport Services, Shaheen Aerotraders, Shaheen Insurance, Shaheen Travel, Shaheen Complex, Shaheen Pay TV, FM-100 (Radio channel), Shaheen System (Information Technology), Shaheen Knitwear.)

4. Bahria Foundation - established in 1982 Pakistan Navy was only left in having its own welfare foundation and hence in the year 1982 Bahria Foundation was established. (Falah Trading Agency, Bahria Construction, Bahria Travel & Recruiting Agency, Bahria Paints, Bahria Deep Sea Fishing, Bahria Complexes, Bahria Town & Housing Schemes, Bahria Dredging, Bahria Bakery, Bahria University, Bahria Shipping, Bahria Coastal Services, Bahria Security & System Services, Bahria Catering & Decoration Services, Bahria Farming, Bahria Holding, Bahria Harbor Services, Bahria Ship Breaking, Bahria Diving & Salvage International.)

By just going through the above list we get to know the expanse of the economic empire of the Military and can surely be compared with a regular private corporation. Some of these areas of business may be areas of expertise for the respective wings of the Military, however, when you start to see names like Cement, Pharmaceuticals, FM radio, Sugar Mills, Catering, Hosiery, Construction, Farms etc it highlights the opportunism of the Military, where it is ready to do whatever it takes to make money. Even in the case where these commercial ventures were helping the general public at large, I can agree that it is worth having this kind of corporate style expansion by Military, however, the fact is these ventures are there to fill in the pockets of the Military Generals and top officers. It is kind of a vicious circle where the Military has a mighty economic empire to protect, so it controls the politics through which it controls the country, and when enjoying its position it keeps expanding its commercial ventures, getting back on the need to protect it. 

In the year 1648 the Treaty of Westphalia resulted in the separation of church and state and it is said that this is the basis on which the modern concept of Nation-state is based on. I think today's Pakistan is in dire need for separation of Military and State, the control of religion on Pakistan I guess its not that big a problem when compared to its Military. Out of 73 years of its existence the majority of the period the country was controlled by the Military either directly or indirectly. 70 plus years is a long time for people to realize that Military dominance is no solution for their own well being.

लॉकडाऊन उपक्रम

या सर्व गोष्टी आपली भारतीय संस्कृतीचं वेगळेपण दाखवणाऱ्या आहेत। आपल्यातला कृतज्ञ भाव, एकात्मता, सामाजिक जाणिवा या सगळ्या आणि इतर अजून बरच काही या काळात लोकांनी विसरू नये म्हणून हे सगळे कार्यक्रम। घरी बसुन बसुन एक प्रकारचं नैराश्य आलेले आपल्यात सगळेच आहेत असे नाही, पण हे उपक्रम करून आपण थोडा काळ तरी या सगळ्या पासून दूर होऊ शकतो एक वेगळा विचार करू शकतो। थाळी बजाओ मध्ये मी पण सहभागी होतो, आधी वाटलं होतं की काय कोण हे सगळं करेल, पण खरच सांगतो की पहिल्यांदाच आपला पूर्ण देश एक आहे असे वाटले (याचे कारण म्हणजे मागील 2 वर्षांत चेन्नईची विचारसरणी पाहिली असल्या कारणाने मला कधीच वाटलं नव्हतं असं काही होईल ते ही इथे)। 

दिवे लावणे या गोष्टीला सध्या जरी एक वेगळा अर्थ प्राप्त झाला असला तरी माझ्यासाठी त्यात अजून माझ्या लहानपणीच्या आठवणी आहेत (आपले संस्कार ज्यात मिसळलेले आहेत)। संध्याकाळ झाली की देवासमोर कमितकमी 10 मिनिटे बसून आजी आणि आईने शिकवलेले श्लोक म्हणायचे नुसते श्लोकांचे उच्चारण न करता त्याचा अर्थ समजून घेणे याला महत्व होते। हे करण्यामागे मोठ्या माणसांना मजा वाटते म्हणून नाही करायला सांगत त्या मागे पण एक मोठा विचार आहे, मी त्याला virus scanning किंवा system upgrade म्हणेन। virus scanning अर्थातच दिवसभरात ऐकेल्या वाईट गोष्टींचे, आणि system upgrade अशासाठी की पुन्हा नव्या उमेदीने नव्या जोशाने नवीन गोष्टी शिकायला बाहेर पडू यासाठी तयार होणे। हे मी जे सगळं म्हणालो ते थोड्याफार फरकाने सगळेच आईवडील मुलांना शिकवत असतात आणि basic purpose हाच असतो असे मी मानतो। आता मोदींनी जे दिवे लावायला सांगीतले ते आपल्यातला सकारात्मक विचाराची ज्योत तेवत ठवण्यासाठी आहे ज्याचे प्रतिकात्मक रूप म्हणजे हा 9 वाजताच उपक्रम, यातला मतितार्थ सगळ्यांना कळेलच असे नाही म्हणून एक काम। जे करताना नकळतपणे आपल्यातली सकारात्मकता वाढेल।

आपल्या देशात naysayers आहेत ते सगळीचकडे आहेत म्हणून हे असे virus scans आणि system upgrade गरजेचे असतात।